John Adams to Thomas Jefferson

     My dear Sir,

     I had this Morning, the Pleasure of your Favour of the Sixteenth inst, by the Post; and rejoice to learn that your Battallions, we so far fill’d, as to render a Draught from the Militia, unnecessary. It is a dangerous Measure, and only to be adopted in great Extremities, even by popular Governments. Perhaps, in Such Governments Draughts will never be made, but in Cases, when the People themselves see the Necessity of them. Such Draughts are widely different from those made by Monarchs, to carry on Wars, in which the People can see, no Interest of their own nor any other object in View, than the Gratification of the Avarice, Ambition, Caprice, Envy, Revenge, or Vanity of a Single Tyrant. Draughts in the Massachusetts, as they have been there managed, have not been very unpopular, for the Persons draughted are commonly the wealthiest, who become obliged to give large Premiums, to their poorer Neighbours, to take their Places.
     The great Work of Confederation, draggs heavily on, but I don’t despair of it. The great and Small States must be brought as near together as possible: and I am not without Hopes, that this may be done, to the tolerable Satisfaction of both. Your Suggestion, Sir, that the Proposition may be negatived, by the Representatives of a Majority of the People, or of a Majority of States, shall be attended to, and I will endeavour to get it introduced, if We cannot Succeed in our Wishes for a Representation and a Rule of voting, perfectly equitable, which has no equal, in my Mind.
     Nothing gives me, more constant Anxiety, than the Delays, in publishing the Journals. Yet I hope, Gentlemen will have a little Patience with Us. Yet, for God’s sake, have a little Mercy on us. We have had a Committee constantly attending to this very Thing, for a long Time. But we have too many Irons in the Fire, you know for Twenty Hands, which is nearly the whole Number We have had upon an Average Since, last fall. The Committee are now busy, every day in correcting Proof Sheets, So that I hope We Shall Soon do better.
     A Committee on the Post office, too, have found, a thousand difficulties. The Post is now very regular, from the North and South, altho it comes but once a Week. It is not eaasy to get faithfull Riders, to go oftener. The Expence is very high, and the Profits, (so dear is every Thing, and so little Correspondence is carried on, except in franked Letters), will not Support the office. Mr. Hazard is now gone Southward, in the Character of Surveyor of the Post office, and I hope will have as good Success, as he lately had eastward, where he has put the office into good order.
     We have no News from Camp, but that the General and Army are in good Spirits, and begin to feel themselves powerfull. We are anxiously waiting for News from abroad, and for my own Part I am apprehensive of some insidious Maneuvre from Great Britain, to deceive Us into Disunion and then to destroy.
     We want your Industry and Abilities here extreamly. Financiers, We want more than Soldiers. The worst Enemy, We have now is Poverty, real Poverty in the Shape of exuberant Wealth. Pray come and help Us, to raise the Value of our Money, and lower the Prices of Things. Without this, We cannot carry on the War. With it, We can make it a Diversion.
     No poor Mortals were ever more perplexed than We have been, with three Misfortunes at once, any one of which would have been, alone, sufficient to have distressed Us. A Redundancy of the Medium of Exchange. A Diminution of the Quantity, at Markett of the Luxuries, the Conveniences and even the Necessaries of Life, and an Increase of the Demand for all these, occasioned by two large Armies in the Country.
     I shall, ever esteam it a Happiness to hear of your Welfare, my dear Sir, and a much greater Still to see you, once more in Congress. Your Country is not yet, quite Secure enough, to excuse your Retreat to the Delights of domestic Life. Yet, for the Soul of me, when I attend to my own Feelings, I cannot blame you. I am, Sir your Friend and most obedient Servant,

     John Adams
     Philadelphia
     May 26, 1777

     Ugh. This Wordpress Theme is gonna kill me. One problem after another after another… I’ve been up all night feeling crappy, so I’m really not in the mood to have to deal with this right now and I really need to sleep. But I’m baffled. Maybe I’ll figure it out after I’ve gotten some sleep, who knows, but in the mean time, I at least wanted to apologize for the mess that is the Categories menu over there on the sidebar. I have no clue why some nested subcategories show up just fine, but ‘Individuals’ refuses to line up its subcategories properly. I need that category, I need it to differentiate the letters sent from Jefferson to Adams and Jefferson’s letters to everybody else. It’s being naughty and I don’t know how to punish it. Behave, dang you!
     Anybody have any ideas? I checked to see if maybe the widget had a constrained height somewhere, but I didn’t see anything. I’m totally at a loss. The ‘Love Letters’ category has more subcategories and sub-subcategories than ‘Individuals’, yet it’s showing its hierarchy just fine! It’s behaving itself! Why can’t ‘Individuals’ do that too?
     I’m gonna sleep now. Or at least try. I sure hope Jefferson or Franklin or somebody will appear to me in a dream and tell me how to fix this stupid thing, otherwise I dunno…
     In the mean time, enjoy the new letter from Washington!

Washington

Hancock

     Sir:

     I have the honor to inform you, that since the date of my last from Trenton I have remov’d with the Army under my Command to this place. The difficulty of crossing the Delaware on Acct. of the Ice made our passage over it tedeous, and gave the Enemy an oppertunity of drawing in their Several Cantonments, and assembling their whole Force at Princeton. Their large Picquets, advanc’d towards Trenton; their great preparations, and some Intelligence I had received, added to their knowledge that the first of Janry. brought on a dissolution of the best part of our Army, gave me the strongest reasons to conclude that an attack upon us was meditating.

     Our Situation was most critical and our strength small; to remove immediately, was again destroying every dawn of hope which had begun to revive in the breasts of the Jersey Militia, and to bring those Troops which had first cross’d the Delaware, and were laying at Crosswixs under Genl. Cadwallader, and those under Genl. Mifflin at Bordenton (amounting in the whole to abt. 3600) to Trenton, was bringing of them to an exposed place; one of the other however, was unavoidable; the latter was prefered, and these Troops orderd to join us at Trenton which they did by a Night March on the first Instt.

     On the Second, according to my expectation, the Enemy began to advance upon us, and after some skirmishing, the head of their Column reach’d Trenton about 4 O’Clock whilst their rear was as far back as Maidenhead; they attempted to pass Sanpinck Creek (which runs through Trenton) at different places, but finding the Fords guarded, halted, and kindled their Fires. We were drawn up on the other Side of the Creek. In this Situation we remaind till dark canonading the Enemy, and receiving the Fire of their Field pieces, which did us but little damage.

     Having by this time discoverd that the Enemy were greatly Superior in Numbers, and that their drift was to surround us. I orderd all our Baggage to be removd silently to Burlington soon after dark, and at twelve O’Clock (after renewing our Fires, and leaving Guards at the Bridge in Trenton, and other passes on the same stream above) March’d by a round about road to Princeton where I knew they could not have much force left, and might have Stores. One thing I was sure of, that it would avoid the appearance of a Retreat, which (was of Consequence) or to run the hazard of the whole Army’s being cut off was unavoidable whilst we might, by a fortunate stroke withdraw Genl. Howe from Trenton, give some reputation to our Arms; happily we succeeded. We found Princeton about Sunrise with only three Regiments of Infantry and three Troops of Light Horse in it, two of which were upon their March for Trenton; these three Regiments (especially the first two) made a gallant resistance and in killed, wounded and Prisoners must have lost near 500 Men upwards of one hundred of them were left dead in the Field, and with what I have with me, and what was taken in the pursuit, and carried across the Delaware, there are near 300 Prisoners, 14 of wch. are Officers, all British.

     This piece of good fortune, is counterballanced by the loss of the brave and worthy Genl. Mercer, and several other valuable Officers who were slain in the Field and have since died of their Wounds. Our whole loss cannot be ascertained, as many who were in pursuit of the Enemy (who were chased three or four Miles) are not yet come in. Our Slain in the Field was about 30.

     The rear of the Enemy’s army laying at Maidenhead (not more than five or Six Miles from Princeton) were up with us before our pursuit was over, but as I had the precaution to destroy the Bridge over Stony Brooke (about half a Mile from the Field of Action) they were so long retarded there, as to give us time to move off in good order for this place. We took two Brass Field pieces from them, but for want of Horses could not bring them off. We also took some Blankets, Shoes, and a few other trifling Articles, Burnt the Hay and destroyed such other things as the Shortness of the time would admit of.

     My original plan when I set out from Trenton was to have pushed on to Brunswick, but the harrassed State of our own Troops (many of them having had no rest for two Nights and a day) and the danger of loosing the advantage we had gaind by aiming at too much, Induced me, by the advice of my Officers, to relinquish the attempt but in my judgment Six or Eight hundred fresh Troops upon a forcd March would have destroyed all their Stores, and Magazines; taken (as we have since learnt) their Military Chest containing 70,000 £ and put an end to the War. The Enemy from the best Intelligence I have been able to get, were so much alarmed at the apprehension of this, that they March’d immediately to Brunswick without Halting (except at the Bridges, for I also took up those on Millstone on the different routs to Brunswick) and got there before day.

     From the best Information I have received, Genl. Howe has left no Men either at Trenton or Princeton; the truth of this I am endeavouring to ascertain that I may regulate my movements accordingly. The Militia are taking Spirit, and, I am told, are coming in fast from this State; but I fear those from Philadelphia will scarce Submit to the hardships of a Winter Campaign much longer, especially as they very unluckily sent their Blankets with their Baggage to Burlington; I must do them the justice however to add, that they have undergone more fatigue and hardship than I expected Militia (especially Citizens) would have done at this Inclement Season. I am just moving to Morristown where I shall endeavour to put them under the best cover I can, hitherto we have lain without any, many of our poor Soldiers quite bearfoot and ill clad in other respects. I am &c.

     George Washington
     Pluckamin, January 5, 1777

John Adams to Abigail Adams

     Dear Abigail,

     I am extremely afflicted with the relation your father gave me of the return of your disorder. I fear you have taken some cold. We have had a most pernicious air a great part of this spring. I am sure I have reason to remember it. My cold is the most obstinate and threatening one I ever had in my life. However, I am unwearied in my endeavors to subdue it, and have the pleasure to think I have had some success. I rise at five, walk three miles, keep the air all day, and walk again in the afternoon. These walks have done me more good than anything, though I have been constantly plied with teas, and your specific. My own infirmities, the account of the return of yours, and the public news* coming altogether have put my utmost philosophy to the trial.
     We live, my dear soul, in an age of trial. What will be the consequence, I know not. The town of Boston, for aught I can see, must suffer martyrdom. It must expire. And our principal consolation is, that it dies in a noble cause–the cause of truth, of virtue, of liberty, and of humanity, and that it will probably have a glorious resurrection to greater wealth, splendor, and power, than ever.
     Let me know what is best for us to do. It is expensive keeping a family here, and there is no prospect of any business in my way in this town this whole summer. I don’t receive a shilling a week. We must contrive as many ways as we can to save expenses; for we may have calls to contribute very largely, in proportion to our circumstances, to prevent other very honest worthy people from suffering for want, besides our own loss in point of business and profit.
     Don’t imagine that from all this that I am in the dumps. Far otherwise. I can truly say that I have felt more spirits and activity since the arrival of this news than I had done before for years. I look upon this as the last effort of Lord North’s despair†, and he will as surely be defeated in it, as he was in the project of the tea.
     I am, with great anxiety for your health,
     Your,

     John Adams
     Boston
     12 May 1774

Footnotes:
       *“The public news”: News had just reached John Adams that the British Parliament had passed the Boston Port Bill, which effectively closed all ports in Boston effective June 1, 1744, in response to the Boston Tea Party, which took place December of 1743.
       †“Lord North’s despair”: This refers to Frederick, Lord North, who was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Prime Minister. He repealed most of the taxes that were being protested by the colonists, but refused to repeal the selective taxation on specific tea imports, which of course led to the Boston Tea Party. He was also instrumental in the parliamentary passage of the coercive acts of 1774, including the aforementioned Boston Port Bill.

Thomas Jefferson to John Page*

     Dear Page,

     This very day, to others the day of greatest mirth and jollity, sees me overwhelmed with more and greater misfortunes than have a befallen a descendant of Adam for these thousand years past, I am sure; and perhaps, after excepting Job, since the creation of the world. I think his misfortunes were somewhat greater than mine: for although we may be pretty nearly on a level in other respects, yet, I thank my God, I have the advantage of brother Job in this, that Satan has not yet put forth his hand to load me with bodily afflictions. You must know, dear Page, that I am now in a house surrounded with enemies, who take counsel together against my soul; and when I lay me down to rest, they say among themselves, come let us destroy him. I am sure if there is such a thing as a Devil in this world, he must have been here last night and have had some hand in contriving what happened to me. Do you think the cursed rats (at his instigation, I suppose) did not eat up my pocket-book, which was in my pocket, within a foot of my head? And not contented with plenty for the present, they carried away my jemmy-worked silk garters, and half a dozen new minuets I had just got, to serve, I suppose, as provision for the winter. But of this I should not have accused the Devil, (because, you know rats will be rats, and hunger, without the addition of his instigations, might have urged them to do this,) if something worse, and from a different quarter, had not happened.
     You know it rained last night, or if you do not know it, I am sure I do. When I went to bed, I laid my watch in the usual place, and going to take her up after I arose this morning, I found her in the same place, it’s true! but Quantum mutatus ah illo!¹ all afloat in water, let in a leak in the roof of the house, and as silent and still as the rats that had eat my pocket-book. Now, you know, if chance had had anything to do in this matter, there were a thousand other spots where it might have chanced to leak as well as at this one, which was perpendicularly over my watch. But I’ll tell you; it’s my opinion that the Devil came and bored the hole over it on purpose. Well, as I was saying, my poor watch had lost her speech. I should not have cared much for this, but something worse attended it; the subtle particles of water with which the case was filled, had, by their penetration, so overcome the cohesion of the particles of the paper, of which my dear picture and watch-paper were composed, that, in attempting to take them out to dry them, good God! Mens horret referre!² My cursed fingers gave them such a rent, as I fear I never shall get over. This, cried I, was the last stroke Satan had in reserve for me: he knew I cared not for anything else he could do to me, and was determined to try this last most fatal expedient. “Multis fortune vulneribus percussus, huic uni me imparem sensi, et penitus succubui!”³

     I would have cried bitterly, but I thought it beneath the dignity of a man, and a man too who had read “ton onton, ta men ephemin, ta dok ephemin”†. However, whatever misfortunes may attend the picture or lover, my hearty prayers shall be, that all the health and happiness which Heaven can send may be the portion of the original, and that so much goodness may ever meet with what may be most agreeable in this world, as I am sure it must be in the next. And now, although the picture be defaced, there is so lively an image of her imprinted in my mind, that I shall think of her too often, I fear, for my peace of mind; and too often, I am sure, to get through old Coke this winter; for God knows I have not seen him since I packed him up in my trunk in Williamsburg. Well, Page, I do wish the Devil had old Coke, for I am sure I never was so tired of an old dull scoundrel in my life. What! are there so few inquietudes tacked to this momentary life of our’s, that we must need be loading ourselves with a thousand more? Or, as brother Job says, (who, by the bye, I think began to whine a little under his afflictions,) “Are not my days few? Cease then, that I may take comfort a little before I go whence I shall not return, even to the land of darkness, and the shadow of death.” But the old fellows say we must read to gain knowledge, and gain knowledge to make us happy and admired. Mere jargon! Is there any such thing as happiness in this world? No. And as for admiration, I am sure the man who powders most, perfumes most, embroiders most, and talks most nonsense, is most admired. Though to be candid, there are some who have too much good sense to esteem such monkey-like animals as these, in whose formation, as the saying is, the tailors and barbers go halves with God Almighty; and since these are the only persons whose esteem is worth a wish, I do not know but that, upon the whole, the advice of these old fellows may be worth following.

     You cannot conceive the satisfaction it would give me to have a letter from you. Write me very circumstantially everything which happened at the wedding. Was she there? because if she was, I ought to have been at the Devil for not being there too. If there is any news stirring in town or country, such as deaths, courtships, or marriages, in the circle of my acquaintance, let me know it. Remember me affectionately to all the young ladies of my acquaintance, particularly the Miss Burwells, and Miss Potters, and tell them that though that heavy earthly part of me, my body, be absent, the better half of me, my soul, is ever with them; and that my best wishes shall ever attend them. Tell Miss Alice Corbin that I verily believe the rats knew I was to win a pair of garters from her, or they never would have been so cruel as to carry mine away. This very consideration makes me so sure of the bet, that I shall ask everybody I see from that part of the world what pretty gentleman is making his addresses to her. I would fain ask the favour of Miss Becca Burwell to give me another watch-paper of her own cutting, which I should esteem much more, though it were a plain round one, than the nicest in the world cut by other hands – however, I am afraid she would think this presumption, after my suffering the other to get spoiled. If you think you can excuse me to her for this, I should be glad if you would ask her. Tell Miss Sukey Potter that I heard, just before I came out of town, that she was offended with me about something, what it is I do not know; but this I know, that I never was guilty of the least disrespect to her in my life, either in word or deed; as far from it as it has been possible for one to be. I suppose when we meet next, she will be endeavouring to repay an imaginary affront with a real one: but she may save herself the trouble, for nothing that she can say or do to me shall ever lessen her in my esteem, and I am determined always to look upon her as the same honest-hearted, good-humored, agreeable lady I ever did. Tell — tell — in short, tell them all ten thousand things more than either you or I can now or ever shall think of as long as we live.

     My mind has been so taken up with thinking of my acquaintances, that, till this moment, I almost imagined myself in Williamsburg, talking to you in our old unreserved way; and never observed, till I turned over the leaf, to what an immoderate size I had swelled my letter – however, that I may not tire your patience by further additions, I will make but this one more, that I am sincerely and affectionately, Dear Page, your friend and servant.

     Th. Jefferson
     Fairfield
     December 25, 1762

     P.S. I am now within an easy day’s ride of Shadwell, whither I shall proceed in two or three days.

Footnotes:

     *John Page, April 17, 1744 – October 11, 1808, was an English merchant from Middlesex who emigrated to Virginia with his wife, Alice Lucken Page, and settled in Middle Plantation. He graduated from the College of William and Mary in 1763, where he was a close friend & classmate of Thomas Jefferson. Following their days in college, Page & Jefferson maintained their close bond through a great deal of correspondence. Page’s service during the American Revolution was wide & varied. He was accomplished military offer, first serving under George Washington in the French & Indian War, then later during the Revolutionary War, he attained the rank of Colonel in the Virginia state militia, raising a regiment from Gloucester County and supplementing it with his own personal funds. As accomplished as he was in military service, he was met with equal success in politics. He became Lieutenant Governor of Virginia and served from 1776 through 1779, then went on to serve as a member of the Virginia House of Delegates from 1781 through 1783, then again from 1785 to 1788. Never one to sit still, he was elected to the First United States Congress and relected to the Second and Third, then yet again to the Fourth as a Republican. Overall, he was a Congressman from March 4, 1789 to March 3, 1797.
     After serving in Congress for eight years, he was again a member of the Virginia House of Delegates in 1797, 1798, 1800, and 1801. After all of this, he became the 13th Governor of Virginia in 1802 and served until 1805. After being governor, he was appointed to the United States commissioner of loans for Virginia and held that office until his death in Richmond, Virginia on October 11, 1808. He is interred in St. John’s Churchyard in Richmond. Back to top.
     - Wikipedia

     ¹Quantum mutatus ah illo! – Translation: How different from before! back

     ²Mens horret referre! – Translation: the mind shrinks to tell! back

     ³“Multis fortune vulneribus percussus, huic uni me imparem sensi, et penitus succubui!” – Translation: Beaten by many blows of fate, I have noticed myself unable to take to this particular one, and I have collapsed completely! back

     †“ton onton, ta men ephemin, ta dok ephemin” – Translation: Of all things that are, some happen in our favor, and some do not. back

Thomas Jefferson to John Harvie*

     Sir,

     I was at Colo. Peter Randolph’s about a Fortnight ago, & my Schooling falling into Discourse, he said he thought it would be to my Advantage to go to College, & was desirous I should go, as indeed I am myself for several Reasons. In the first place as long as I stay at the Mountains the Loss of one fourth of my Time is inevitable, by Company’s coming here & detaining me from School. And likewise my Absence will in a great Measure put a Stop to so much Company, & by that Means lessen the Experiences of the Estate in House-Keeping. And on the other Hand by going to the College I shall get a more universal Acquaintance, which may hereafter be serviceable to me; & I suppose I can pursue my Studies in the Greek & Latin as well there as here, & likewise learn something of the Mathematics. I shall be glad of your opinion.

     Th. Jefferson
     Shadwell
     January 14, 1760

Footnote:
     * John Harvie, 1742 – February 6, 1807, was an American lawyer and builder from Virginia, and a follower of the Protestant Christian faith. His county of Augusta, Virginia sent him to the Virginia conventions (the revolutionary legislature) in 1775 & 1776. That convention then sent him as a delegate to the Continental Congress in 1777 & 1778, where he signed the Articles of Confederation. Also of note, in 1774, he was named as a commissioner to the Shawnee tribe of Native Americans, with whom he negotiated a peace treaty after the Battle of Point Pleasant.
     - Wikipedia
     - Harvie in the Th. Jefferson Encyclopedia

     I’ve been busily transcribing some letters in preparation for future posts this evening, but I came across a letter that’s just too funny not to post. I was literally laughing out loud as I was transcribing the words of Thomas Jefferson in his younger days and it has convinced me that I absolutely must forgo any attempts to post each and every letter on the exact same date that they were originally sent. Otherwise I would have to wait to post this ridiculously awesome letter until Christmas! I just can’t do it, I can’t contain myself! When you see this particular letter, hopefully you’ll understand why. Suffice it to say, who knew Jefferson was such a ladies man!

     So I’ve decided that I’m only going to attempt to keep up with the original dates of the letters sent specifically between Jefferson & Adams. But in the meantime, I’m going to fill up the time between those letters with a random assortment of letters from other Founders. The letters of each individual Founder will be posted in their chronological order, of course, so that you can keep up with the back-and-forth of each person’s timeline as best as possible.

     I’ve also decided to include short biographies of the individual Founders whose letters I’ll be featuring on the site. I’ve found some fabulous books from the late 19th century that are quite fantastic and provide very concise biographies of many of the Founders I’ll be featuring. Unfortunately the book neglects to include Jefferson, so I’m afraid I might have to write that one myself. We’ll see.

     Hehe, oh, I so can’t wait. Things are really coming together! I really think you’re going to love Jefferson’s letters, they’re quite entertaining. At least, they are to me. I’m only two letters in and already I’ve glimpsed a side of Jefferson I’d never, ever seen before. I suddenly have even more respect for the man, as a man, rather than the cold, distant legend we’re all taught to revere. And it’s absolutely marvelous!

     I’ve been thinking a lot lately about how best to go about publishing new letters. I was looking through the big book I have of the Adams & Jefferson letters and, sure enough, there’s quite a big gap between each of the letters. After all, it’s not like they had access to email. Adams’ reply to Jefferson wasn’t sent until May 26, and Jefferson’s next letter wasn’t sent until August! So clearly my original plan of publishing each letter on the same date that it was originally sent wasn’t so very well thought out. Not surprising, since I started working on building this site about ten minutes after the thought first popped into my head! Clearly our modern desires for instant gratification are clashing with the timelines of history.

     So what to do? I have a couple ideas, but I’d like to run the three options I’ve thought up so far past all of you to see what you think. Granted, it’s not like there are a lot of readers here yet, but the few readers I do have are all good friends whose judgment I value and trust. So who better to ask, right?
    I’ve created a little poll with the three options I’ve thought up so far. If you could take a minute to pick which one you like best, I’d really appreciate it! Or if you’ve got a better idea, I’d love to hear that too!

     Thank you! I’ll let you know what I decide a little later on. And of course, new letters are coming soon!