Dear Abigail,

     I have nothing to do here but to take the air, inquire for news, talk politics, and write letters. This town has the best air I have ever breathed. It is very level and there are no mountains or hills to obstruct the free course of the air upon any point of compass for eight or ten miles. It lies upon the sea on the south and has a river running through it. The weather has been inexpressibly fine all this week. The air is as clear, as bright, as springy, as you can conceive. Braintree air is thick and unelastic in comparison of this. What then is that of Boston?
     I regret that I cannot have the pleasure of enjoying this fine weather with my family, and upon my farm. Oh, how often am I there! I have but a dull prospect before me. I have no hope of reaching Braintree under a fortnight from this day, if I should in twenty days.
     I regret my absence from the county of Suffolk this week on another account. If I was there, I could converse with the gentlemen who are bound with me to Philadelphia¹; I could turn the course of my reading and studies to such subjects of Law, and Politics, and Commerce, as may come in play at the Congress. I might be furbishing up my old reading in Law and History, that I might appear with less indecency before a variety of gentlemen, whose educations, travels, experience, family, fortune, and everything will give them a vast superiority to me, and I fear to some of my companions.
     This town of York is a curiosity, in several views. The people here are great idolaters of the memory of their former minister, Mr. Moody. Dr. Sayward² says, and the rest of the generally think, that Mr. Moody was one of the greatest men and best saints who have lived since the days of the Apostles. He had an ascendency and authority over the people here, as absolute as that of any prince in Europe, not excepting his Holiness.
     This he acquired by a variety of means. In the first place, he settled in the place without any contract. His professed principle was that no man should be hired to preach the gospel, but that the minister should depend upon the charity, generosity, and benevolence of the people. This was very flattering to their pride, and left room for their ambition to display itself in an emulation among them which should be most bountiful and ministerial.
     In the next place, he acquired the character of firm trust in Providence. A number of gentlemen came in one day, when they had nothing in the house. His wife was very anxious, they say, and asked him what they should do. “Oh, never fear; trust Providence, make a fire in the oven, and you will have something.” Very soon a variety of everything that was good was sent in, and by one o’clock they had a splendid dinner.
     He had also the reputation of enjoying intimate communication with the Deity, and of having a great interest in the Court of Heaven by his prayers.
     He always kept his musket in order, and was fond of hunting. On a time, they say, he was out of provisions. There came along two wild geese. He takes gun and cries, “If it please God I kill both, I will send the fattest to the poorest person in the parish.” He shot, and killed both; ordered them plucked, and then sent the fattest to a poor widow, leaving the other, which was a very poor one, at home,–to the great mortification of his lady. But his maxim was, Perform unto the Lord they vow.
     But the best story I have heard yet was his doctrine in a sermon from this text: “Lord, what shall we do?” The doctrine was that when a person or people are in a state of perplexity, and know not what to do, they ought never to do they know not what. This is applicable to the times.
     He brought his people into a remarkable submission and subjection to their spiritual rulers, which continues to this day. Their present parson³ does and says what he pleases, is a great Tory, and as odd as Moody.

     - John Adams
     York, June 30, 1774

     Footnotes:
     ¹ “gentlemen… bound with me to Philadelphia”: Just prior to the drafting of this letter, on June 17, Adams had been selected as a delegate to the First Continental Congress, scheduled to meet in Philadelphia; also chosen were James Bowdoin, Thomas Cushing, Robert Treat Paine, and John’s second cousin, Samuel Adams.

     ² Mr. Moody. Dr. Sayward: Samuel Moody was born in 1675, graduated from Cambridge in 1697, and died in 1747. He was often referred to as “peculiar”, but most seemed to mean that with nothing but respect and positivity. Dr. Jonathan Sayward (1713-97), a known loyalist, was a prominent citizen of York County. Despite his loyalist leanings, he retained his property and social position during and even after the Revolution.

     ³ their present parson: This letter was later edited to remove Adams’ identification of the pastor as Isaac Lyman, a known Loyalist. I haven’t been able to find out why it was edited. It seemed important to note, however, since Isaac Lyman will be referenced in future letters.

     Dear Abigail,

     I have a great deal of leisure, which I chiefly employ in scribbling, that my mind may not stand still or run back, like my fortune. There is very little business here, and David Sewall, David Wyer, John Sullivan and James Sullivan, and Theophilus Bradbury¹, are the lawyers who attend the inferior courts, and consequently, conduct the causes at the superior.
     I find that the country is the situation to make estates by the law. John Sullivan, who is placed at Durham in New Hampshire, is younger both in years and practice than I am. He began with nothing, but is now said to be worth ten thousand pounds lawful money, his brother James allows five or six or perhaps seven thousand pounds, consisting in houses and lands, notes, bonds, and mortgages. He has a fine stream of water, with an excellent corn mill, saw mill, fulling mill, scythe mill, and others, in all six mills, which are both his delight and his profit. As he has earned cash in his business at the bar, he has taken opportunities to purchase farms of his neighbors, who wanted to sell and move out farther into the woods, at an advantageous rate, and in this way has been growing rich; under the smiles and auspices of Governor Wentworth², he has been promoted to the civil and military way, so that he is treated with great respect in this neighborhood.
     James Sullivan, brother of the other, who studied law under him, without an academical education (and John was in the same case), is fixed at Saco, alias Biddeford, in our province. He began with neither learning, books, estate, nor anything but his head and hands, and is now a very popular lawyer and growing rich very fast, purchasing great farms, etc., and a justice of the peace and a member of the General Court.
     David Sewall, of this town, never practices out of this county; has no children; has no ambition nor avarice, they say (however, quaere³). His business in this county maintains him very handsomely, and he gets beforehand.
     Bradbury, at Falmouth, they say, grows rich very fast.
     I was first sworn in 1758. My life has been a continual scene of fatigue, vexation, labor, and anxiety. I have four children. I had a pretty estate from my father; I have been assisted by your father; I have done the greatest business in the province; I have had the very richest clients in the province. Yet I am poor, in comparison with others.
     This, I confess, is grievous and discouraging. I ought, however, to be candid enough to acknowledge that I have been imprudent. I have spent an estate in books. I have spent a sum of money indiscreetly in a light, another in a pew, and a much greater in a house in Boston. These would have been indiscretions, if the impeachment of the Judges, the Boston Port Bill†, etc., etc., had never happened; but by the unfortunate interruption of my business from these causes, those indiscretions became almost fatal to me; to be sure, much more detrimental.
     John Lowell‡, at Newburyport, has built himself a house like the palace of a nobleman, and lives in great splendor. His business is very profitable. In short, every lawyer who has the least appearance of abilities make it do in the country. In town, nobody does, or even can, who either is not obstinately determined never to have any connection with politics, or does not engage on the side of the Government, the Administration, and the Court.
     Let us, therefore, my dear partner, from that affection which we feel for our lovely babes, apply ourselves, by every way we can, to the cultivation of our farm. Let frugality and industry be our virtues, if they are not by any others. And above all cares of this life, let our ardent anxiety be to mould the minds and manners of our children. Let us teach them not only to do virtuously, but to excel. To excel, they must be taught to be steady, active, and industrious.

     John Adams
     York, 29 June 1774

     Footnotes:

     ¹ David Sewall – Theophilus Bradbury: At this time, Adams was visiting York, in what we would today refer to as the state of Maine. However, up until 1820, York was a part of Massachusetts. Adams was visiting in order to do business at the circuit court there. The men listed in Adams letters would go on to fulfill rather interesting destinies. The Sullivan brothers would both support the Revolution. John (1740-95) became one of the first brigadier generals of the Continental Army and eventually became Governor of New Hampshire. James (1744-1808) became a prominent legislator and jurist in Massachusetts. David Wyer (1741-76), friends with Adams since college, became a successful lawyer at Falmouth; we’ll hear more about him in future letters. David Sewall (1735-1825) was a Harvard classmate of Adams’. Theophilus Bradbury (1739-1803) later served in the U.S. Congress and on the Massachusetts Superior Court. And he has one of the coolest names I’ve ever heard.
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     ² Governor Wentworth: Governor John Wentworth (1737-1820) was a classmate of Adams’ at Harvard, who succeeded his uncle, Benning Wentworth (another great name), as Royal Governor of New Hampshire from 1767 to 1775.
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     ³ quaere: i.e., inquire about this.
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     † the impeachment of the Judges, the Boston Port Bill: Adams had drawn up an impeachment of Chief Justice Peter Oliver because he would not renounce a salary grant from the crown. Adams and other Whigs feared that if judges were paid by the royal government and not the elected assembly, they would lose their independence.
     The Boston Port Bill was enacted by the Parliament of Great Britain on March 30, 1774 in retaliation for the Boston Tea Party, and was part of what was referred to in the Colonies as the “Intolerable Acts” or “Punitive Acts”. It outlawed the use of the Port of Boston for “landing and discharging, loading or shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandise” until such time as restitution was made to the King’s treasury (for customs duty lost) and to the East India Company for damages suffered. In other words, it closed the port to all ships, no matter what business the ship had. This angered both Loyalists and Patriots, as they felt the entire city was being unfairly punished for the acts of only a few individuals. More from Wikipedia.
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     ‡ John Lowell: Lowell (1743-1802) would go on to serve in the Continental Congress and became one of Adams’ staunch Federalist friends.
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George Washington to James Warren

     Dear Sir:

     Your favor of the 4th. instant was duly handed me. I am fully sensible of the zeal, your State has demonstrate, in the instances you recite, and in many more. With you, I consider them as great exertions, and as a decisive evidence of your inclination to do every thing in your power to advance the Common Cause. At the same time, whatever efforts have been, or can be made, are not more than adequate to the exigency of our Situation. Tho’ over sanguine and uninformed people may think differently, this is a most interesting and critical period, and will not countenance the least want of Activity or attention in any quarter. I have the highest confidence, that your State will not let the great object, we are contending for, be lost, or endangered, more than is unavoidable, by any deficiency on their pair.
     Your repealing the offensive part of the Act you mention, is a proof of your justice and regard to the Sense of your Sister States. It certainly bore the features of a monopoly, and was liable to the interpretation put upon it; and, though I am ready to believe, it proceeded from impolitick, rather than Selfish, motives,–I am happy the Cause of complaint is removed, and the matter placed upon a more liberal footing.
     I observe, your State is not a little alarmed at the prospect of an immediate invasion. Notwithstanding the intelligence from Europe, in some measure, warrants the Supposition of such an event and makes it proper not intirely to disregard it; yet I am clearly of opinion, it is not much to be apprehended.–It is by no means an eligible way to the conquest of this country; your State, from its union, numbers and Situation, bring capable of a much better defence than perhaps any other; and it is presumable, the Enemy will make their attacks where Circumstances promise the greatest likelihood of Success. But, be this as it may, I cannot help disapproving the project of raising Colonial regiments for your defence, at least til the Continental are filled. It is easy to perceive, as you have yourself hinted, that it will have a direct tendency to defeat your endeavours, for compleating your quota of the United Army; and it would be the most wretched policy to weaken the hands of the Continent, under the mistaken Idea of Strengthening your own. It would also be well to consider, how far it might be consistent with propriety, in the pursuit of partial schemes, to put it out of your own power to fulfill what is required of you by the Continent.
     If the Several States, by levying Troops on the particular establishment of each, leave but a Small Continental Army in the Field, it will be impossible effectually to watch the Motions of the Enemy, and oppose them where they may in reality direct their operations;–the consequences of which must be inevitably fatal. But if we have a sufficient Continental force on foot, we shall be able to watch them narrowly and counteract them wherever they may attempt to move.–Every State will find its Security in such an Army, whose sole business it will be to oppose the Enemy, wherever it is most requisite.–It cannot be imagined, that if your State were seriously attacked, a proportionate part of the Continental force would not be detached to Succour and protect it. My duty, inclination, and a regard to the safety of the whole would equally compel me to it.–What valuable end can then be answered to you, in the Step you propose to take, which can compensate for the irretrivable injury the common cause might sustain, from our not having a Sufficient Army in the field for the purposes of general opposition? The measure, injurious in every view, can only serve to burthen the State, with an unnecessary expence, which will be intirely its own; as the Troops intended to be raised will be for local and Colonial uses, and in diminution of the common force.
     I see no advantage you can derive from such an impolitic Step, which would not be fully produced, by what I assured the Assembly, on a former occasion, should be done; which is,–That the Supernumerary Regiments adopted by you, should remain in your State, ’till the designs of the Enemy became so evidence, as to convince us, their continuance would be no longer expedient, or useful. This assurance I repeat; and I beg you will communicate it in my name to them; earnestly recommending it to them, to relinquish the Scheme. Indeed Sir, on a Cool, dispassionate Survey of all Circumstances, it will be found replete with impolicy and danger; and I am persuaded that, either they have already, on mature deliberation laid it aside, or on a reconsideration of the matter will coincide with me in opinion, and correct the mistake.
     With great regard and respect, I am &c.

     General Washington
     Head Quarters, Morris Town, May 23, 1777

George Washington to Alexander Spotswood

     Sir:

     I want to form a Company for my Guard. In doing this I wish to be extremely cautious; because it is more than probable, that in the Course of the Campaign, my Baggage, Papers, and other Matters of great public Import, may be committed to the Sole care of these Men. This being premised, in order to impress you with proper attention in the Choice, I have to request that you will immediately furnish me with four Men of your Regiment, And, as it is my further wish, that this Company should look well and be nearly of a Size, I desire that none of the Men may exceed in Stature 5 feet 10 Inches, nor fall Short of 5 feet 9 Inches, Sober, Young, Active and well made. When I recommend care in your Choice, I would be understood to mean Men of good Character in the Regiment, that possess the pride of appearing clean and Soldierlike. I am satisfied there can be no absolute security for the fidelity of this Class of people, but yet I think it most likely to be found in those who have Family Connections in the Country. You will therefore send me none but Natives, and Men of some property, if you have them. I must insist, that in making this Choice, you give no Intimation of my preference of Natives, as I do not want to create any invidious Distinction between them and the Foreigners.

     I am etc.
     General Washington
     Head Quarters, Morris Town, April 30, 1777

Thomas Jefferson to Thomas Turpin

     Dear Sir,

     I am truly concerned that it is not in my power to undertake the superintendance of your son in his studies; but my situation both present and future renders it utterly impossible. I do not expect to be here more than two months in the whole between this and November next, at which time I propose to remove to another habitation which I am about to erect, and on a plan so contracted as that I shall have but one spare bedchamber for whatever visitants I may have. Nor have I reason to expect at any future day to pass a greater proportion of my time at home. Thus situated it would even have been injustice to Phill to have undertaken to give him an assistance which will not be within my power; a task which I otherwise should with the greatest pleasure have taken on me, and would have desired no higher satisfaction than to see him hold that rank in the profession to which his genius and application must surely advance him. These however encourage me to hope that the presence of an assistant will be little necessary. I always was of opinion that the placing a yough to study with an attorney was rather a prejudice than a help. We are all too apt by shifting on them our business, to incroach on that tie which should be devoted to their studies. The only help a youth wants is to be directed what books to read, and in what order to read them. I have accordingly recommended strongly to Phill to put himself into apprenticeship with no one, but to employ his time for himself alone. To enable him to do this to advantage I have laid down a plan of study which will afford him all the assitance a tutor could, without subjecting him to the inconvenience of expending his own time for the emolument of another. One difficulty only occurs, that is, the want of books. But this I am in hopes you will think less of remedying when it is considered that had he been placed under the care of another, a proper collection of books must have been provided for him before he engaged in the practice of his profession; for a lawyer without books would be like a workman without tools. The only difference then is that they must now be procured something earlier. Should you think it necessary, it would be better to consider the money laid out in books as a part of the provision made for him and to deduct it from what you intended to give him, than that he should be without them. I have given him a catalogue of such as will be necessary, amounting in the whole to about £100 sterling, but divided into four invoices. Should Phill enter on the plan of study recommended, I shall endeavor as often as possible to take your house in on my way to and from Williamsburgh as it will afford me the double satisfaction of observing his progress in science and of seeing yourself, my aunt, and the family.
     I am Dear Sir with great respect

     Your most humble servant,
     Th. Jefferson
     Shadwell, Feb 5, 1769

     Heather’s Notes: Again, no capitalization or paragraphs. What sort of phase was he going through?! I’ve added the capitalization, but the letter seemed short enough I didn’t bother trying to break it into paragraphs.

George Washington to Benedict Arnold

     Dear Sir:

     I was this day favoured with yours of the 26th. last Month and a few days ago with that of the 11th.
     It is needless for me to say much upon a Subject, which must undoubtedly give you a good deal of uneasiness. I confess I was surprised, when I did not see your name in the list of Major Generals, and was so fully of opinion that there was some mistake in the matter, that I (as you may recollect) desired you not to take any hasty Step, before the intention of Congress was fully known. The point does not now admit of a doubt, and is of so delicate a nature, that I will not even undertake to advise, your own feelings must be your guide. As no particular charge is alledged against you, I do not see upon what ground you can demand a Court of inquiry. Besides, public Bodies are not amenable for their Actions; They place and displace at pleasure, and all the satisfaction that an individual can obtain, when is overlooked, is, if innocent, a consciousness that he has not deserved such treatment for his honest exertions. Your determination, not to quit your present Command, while any danger to the public might ensue from your leaving it, deserves my thanks, and justly entitles you to the thanks of your Country.
     General Greene, who has lately been at Philadelphia, took occasion to inquire upon what principle the Congress proceeded in their late promotion of General Officers. He was informed, that the Members from each State seemed to insist upon having a proportion of Genl. Officers, adequate to the number of Men which they furnish, and that as Connecticut had already two Major Generals, it was their full share. I confess this is a strange mode of reasoning, but it may serve to shew you, that the promotion which was due to your Seniority, was not overlooked for want of Merit in you.

     I am etc.
     General Washington
     Head Quarters, Morris Town, April 3, 1777

Thomas Jefferson to John Page

     Dear Page,

     I received your last by T. Nelson whom I luckily met on my road hither. Surely never did small hero experience greater misadventures than I did on the first two or three days of my travelling. Twice did my horse run away with me and greatly endanger the breaking my neck on the first day. On the second I drove two hours through as copious a rain as ever I have seen, without meeting with a single house to which I could repair for shelter. On the third in going through Pamunkey, being unacquainted with the ford, I passed through water so deep as to run over the cushion as I sat on it, and to add to the danger, at that instant one wheel mounted a rock which I am confident was as high as the axle, and rendered it necessary for me to exercise all my skill in the doctrine of gravity, in order to prevent the center of gravity from being left unsupported the consequence of which would according to Bob Carter’s opinion have been the corruition of myself, chair and all into the water. Whether that would have been the case of not, let the learned determine: it was not convenient for me to try the experiment at that time, and I therefore threw my whole weight on the mounted wheel and escaped the danger. I confess that on this occasion I was seised with a violent hydrophobia. I had the pleasure of passing two or three days on my way hither at the two Will Fitzhugh’s and Col. Harrison’s where were S. Potter, P. Stith, and Ben Harrison, since which time I have seen no face known to me before, except Capt. Mitchell’s who is here–but I will now give you some account of what I have seen in this metropolis.

     The assembly happens to be sitting at this time. Their upper and lower house, as they call them, sit in different houses. I went into the lower, sitting in an old courthouse, which, judging from it’s (sic) form and appearance, was built in the year one. I was surprised on approaching it to hear as great a noise and hubbub as you will usually observe at a publick meeting of the planters in Virginia. The first object which struck me after my entrance was the figure of a little old man dressed but indifferently, with a yellow queüe wig on, and mounted in the judge’s chair. This the gentleman who walked with me informed me was the speaker, a man of a very fair character, but who by the bye, has very little the air of a speaker. At one end of the justice’s bench stood a man whom in another place I should from his dress and phis have taken for Goodall the lawyer in Williamsburgh, reading a bill then before the house with a schoolboy tone and an abrupt pause at every half dozen words. This I found to be the cleark of the assembly. The mob (for such was their appearance) sat covered on the justices’ and lawyers’ benches, and were divided into little clubs amusing themselves in the common chit chat way. I was surprised to see them address the speaker without rising from their seats, and three, four, and five at a time without being checked. When a motion was made, the speaker instead of putting the question in the usual form, only asked the gentlemen whether they chose that such or such a thing should be done, and was answered by a yes sir, or no sir: and tho’ the voices appeared frequently to be divided, they never would go to the trouble of dividing the house, but the clerk entered the resolutions, I supposed, as he thought proper. In short, everything seems to be carried without the house in general’s knowing what was proposed.

     The situation of this place is extremely beautiful, and very commodious for trade having a most secure port capable of receiving the largest vessels, those of 400 hh’ds being able to brush against the sides of the dock. The houses are in general better than those in Williamsburgh, but the gardens more indifferent. The two towns seem much of a size. They have no publick buildings worth mentioning except a governor’s house, the hull of which after being nearly finished, they have suffered to go to ruin. I would give you an account of the rejoicings here on the repeal of the stamp act, but this you will probably see in print before my letter can reach you. I shall proceed tomorrow to Philadelphia where I shall make the stay necessary for inoculation, thence going on to New-York I shall return by water to Williamsburgh, about the middle of July, till which time you have the prayers of
     Dear Page

     Your affectionate friend,
     Th. Jefferson
     Annapolis, May 25, 1766

     P.s. I should be glad if you could in some indirect manner, without discovering that it was my desire, let J. Randolph know when I propose to be in the city of Williamsburgh.

     Heather’s Notes: In the printing I have, which I suppose is an exact replica of the original letters, Jefferson didn’t capitalize the beginning of any of his sentences, except when he would begin a sentence with “I”. He also didn’t separate any of his thoughts into paragraphs. This seems antithetical to his typical writing style, but besides that, it made it most uncomfortable to read. So for the sake of comfort, I’ve added capitalization and paragraphs where I saw fit.
     Also, as with most old King’s English, several words are spelled differently (i.e. “publick”). For the sake of maintaining the prose in as close to its original form as possible, I’ve left these untouched. The only time I added “(sic)” is when it seems he used “it’s”, rather than the proper “its”. I don’t know if that was an error on his part, on the part of the printed copy I happen to have, or if the rules of it/it’s/its were different back then. Whatever the reason may be, I at least didn’t want it to appear to be my mistake, since that’s one of my biggest grammar-related pet peeves.

     After staying up way past my bedtime, scheduling letters to be posted while I’m away attending familial festivities, I ended up having a few ideas that I’d like to run past you. I think they look lovely, but of course, my sleep-deprived mind isn’t exactly at its most trustworthy right now. This headache I’ve had for two days isn’t exactly helping either.
     So if you don’t mind, I’d like to get your opinion on two formatting experiments.

     The first I’m quite excited about; it’s a way to put faces with the names listed in these letters. While I’m sure most of us know the regulars – Jefferson, Washington, Adams – these mainstays sent lots of letters to those Founding Fathers with whom many of us are probably less than familiar. I think that only serves to detach us from the messages in those letters, making them feel rather impersonal and even more foreign than they already are, given the eloquent old world language they’re written in.
     I thought it would be nice to include images of both the drafter of the letter, as well as its recipient, right there are the beginning, to show you who exactly is involved in the conversation we’re reading all these centuries later. I’ve set it up using thumbnails, which if clicked upon, will open the full portrait of the person in question. I’ve set it up on one particular letter from Washington to John Hancock, so you can see what it’ll look like.
     Click here to check it out.
     What do you think? Look good? Too big? Too small? Just right? I’d love to hear your thoughts on it and if you think it would be a good addition to all future letters.

     The second experiment involves my new goal to add as many footnotes to each letter as possible, to further encourage an in depth understanding of the letters and the people who wrote and received them. I’ve started working on writing short bios about the different men and women who received the letters, as well as trying to notate any specific important occurrences referenced in the letters. For instance, in one upcoming letter, John Adams refers to the Boston Port Bill. The letter doesn’t make much sense if it’s not explained precisely what it is he’s referring to, if the reader doesn’t already know. So I wrote a little footnote!
     That’s all well and good, but I’d like your opinion on one experiment in how to format those footnotes. In one particularly long letter, I’ve added little symbols to indicate the presence of a footnote. If you click one of those little symbols, it will scoot you down to the relevant footnote at the bottom of the page. After reading it, you can click “Back” and it’ll push you right back up to where you left off.
     Click here to test it out for yourself.
     I don’t necessarily plan on putting this much work into the shorter letters, since I don’t really think it’s necessary. But I’d like to know if you think it’s helpful for the longer ones.

     Alright, that’s it for now. I need to sleep. More letters coming soon, I promise! I have a whole bunch scheduled all the way through to July! Yippie! And best of all, nearly all of them are going to be republished on the same date that they were originally sent! What could be better than that?